The journal of the American-Irish Historical Society, Vol. I, 1898

In Short

This journal serves as the official record of the American-Irish Historical Society’s establishment in 1897. It functions as an archive of the society’s constitution, member rolls, and annual proceedings, alongside essays aimed at debunking prevailing historical narratives that minimized Irish participation in the nation’s founding. By documenting the society's mission to "sift and discriminate" historical documents, the volume preserves a snapshot of a community asserting its rightful place in the American story, offering a fascinating look at the intersection of ethnic identity, historical scholarship, and patriotism at the turn of the century.

The Story

The narrative arc of this volume begins with a call to action. Prominent men of Irish birth or lineage, concerned that their ancestors’ roles in the "up-building of the nation" had been ignored or distorted, gather to formalize a society for historical research. The early pages establish a clear purpose: to locate, preserve, and publish records of Irish immigration and settlement. The authors argue that the omission of these facts—whether by design or neglect—has resulted in a false historical record. They believe that certain social elements have "masqueraded in borrowed plumes" by claiming exclusive credit for the creation of American liberty, and it is the society’s duty to restore "laurels" to their rightful owners.

The story progresses through the mechanics of organization. The constitution is ratified, defining the roles of the Secretary-General, Treasurer-General, and the Executive Council. This institutional grounding is followed by the inclusion of correspondence from notable figures, such as George F. Hoar and the Archdeacon of Pennsylvania, C. T. Brady, who express pride in their Celtic descent and support for the society’s mission. These letters serve to legitimize the organization, positioning it as an intellectual force rather than a mere social club.

As the journal transitions from administration to historical argument, the tone shifts from legislative to combative. The contributors address specific historical grievances, such as the life of General John Sullivan, whom they hail as a preeminent Revolutionary leader. They detail his bold seizure of gunpowder from Fort William and Mary, framing this as an early act of armed rebellion. From there, the argument broadens to critique contemporary historians and politicians, specifically Henry Cabot Lodge. The writers challenge the "Puritan legend" and the creation of the term "Scotch-Irish," which they view as a rhetorical device used to distance Protestant settlers of Irish origin from the perceived stigma of being Irish.

The volume concludes by widening the lens to address the philosophy of history itself. Contributors argue that history is a scientific, patriotic duty, essential to a citizen’s understanding of the Republic. They present evidence of widespread intermarriage between Irish immigrants and established colonial families in places like Rhode Island, intended to show that Irish blood is already woven into the fabric of the American stock. The text ends with a massive, exhaustive list of charter members, a final assertion of the organization's widespread influence and the demographic depth of the community it represents.

How It Unfolds

The Call to Organize The volume opens with the society’s formal invitation, outlining a mission to correct "erroneous, distorted, and false views" of history. It establishes that the Irish have been present since the earliest colonial days and demands recognition for their contributions in all departments of human activity.

Institutional Framework The text moves into the bylaws, detailing the specific responsibilities of the Librarian, Archivist, and Historiographer. This section transforms the abstract desire for recognition into a rigid, professional structure, ensuring that the work of the society will be preserved in "acceptable literary form."

The Revolutionary Record The focus shifts to the history of the American Revolution, with specific attention paid to General John Sullivan. By detailing his military exploits, the contributors build a case for Irish participation in the foundational struggle for independence, framing the Irish as active, aggressive patriots rather than passive observers.

The Critique of Historiography A significant portion of the journal is dedicated to attacking the "Puritan cult" and the myth of the "Scotch-Irish." The writers use biting, often sarcastic prose to deconstruct the claims of political figures like Henry Cabot Lodge, whom they accuse of manufacturing a history that favors one lineage over all others.

The Evidence of Assimilation The final movement presents genealogical and social data to illustrate the integration of Irish descendants into the broader American population. By listing hundreds of members and their professions, the society provides a tangible, living record of its reach and its argument for the essential "American-ness" of the Irish element.

The People

The book is populated by a collection of figures—lawyers, clergymen, and politicians—who define the society’s intellectual and social identity. Thomas Hamilton Murray and Thomas Bonaventure Lawler act as the primary architects of the organization, setting the tone for the meticulous administrative work required to build a permanent society. John Sullivan emerges as the primary historical archetype for the members; he is presented as the quintessential "lawyer, soldier, statesman, and judge," a figure who serves as the bedrock for the society's claims of early American legitimacy. Henry Cabot Lodge serves as the primary antagonist of the book; he is cast as a "Tavist"—an ancestor-worshipper—who uses his political influence to perpetuate the legend of Puritan superiority while ignoring the diverse realities of the American past. Finally, the vast list of Charter Members—including men like Michael Brennan, a hotel proprietor, and Edward A. Moseley, a government official—are the protagonists of the collective narrative. They represent a rising, professional class of Irish-Americans who want to ensure their own biographies are included in the national canon.

In Its Own Voice

"The fact that such a condition does exist makes it imperative that it should be remedied not only in the interest of historical truth, but of racial fair play."

The authors argue in their initial invitation that the neglect of Irish history is a systemic problem requiring an institutional, scholarly response.

"He is a kind of literary phonograph, repeating the slanders and absurdities which a school of race egotists have raised to a cult."

The society’s critique of Professor Burgess characterizes those who promote exclusionary historical narratives as intellectually dishonest and dangerous to the education of American youth.

"It has become almost a maxim in historical matters that the history of events cannot be accepted as facts until the generation which lived at the time said events occurred has passed away."

In a paper on the necessity of the society, Dennis Harvey Sheahan highlights the importance of historical distance in achieving the objective, scientific perspective the organization claims to value.

What It's Really About

At its core, this volume is an inquiry into the ownership of history. The central argument is that history is not a static record of facts, but a tool of political and social power that has been wielded to marginalize the Irish. The writers contend that by controlling the narrative—by deciding who counts as a "founder"—a nation defines its own identity. They seek to challenge the hegemony of the "Puritan legend" not by creating a new, separate mythology, but by forcing the mainstream record to include the Irish as an integral part of the American fabric. The questions it explores—about the ethics of the historian, the role of ethnicity in national identity, and the danger of "race egotism"—remain deeply relevant.

Why Read It Today

Readers interested in the history of American institutions or the evolution of American identity will find this volume deeply rewarding. It provides a rare, transparent view into how a group of people in the 1890s consciously worked to construct a historical legacy for themselves. The prose is remarkably vibrant; while the bureaucratic lists of members can be dry, the polemical essays are sharp, aggressive, and highly readable, often featuring a wit that is as stinging as it is precise.

However, a contemporary reader must approach this text with an awareness of its era. The period attitudes regarding race, the "science" of ethnology, and the often inflammatory language used to describe political adversaries are artifacts of 1898. The arguments, while persuasive in their own context, are sometimes bogged down in the specific, localized grievances of the late 19th century. Yet, the struggle to be seen and to be included in the national story is timeless. What stays with you is the sheer, defiant energy of a community that refuses to be written out of history, using the tools of the academy to demand their place in the "book of the new race." It is a testament to the idea that who tells the story of a nation matters as much as the story itself.